A survey done by Vanderbilt psychologists took place from January 2012 to February 2013 and involved 322 men and 157 women in their late 40s. The main focus was on their work preferences and life values. The results showed that men and women had different opinions. Men valued things like being able to express their thoughts freely, having merit-based pay, wanting a full-time career, creating things that could change the world, and earning a high salary. They also preferred working with tools and machines, taking risks, and felt okay with possibly upsetting others when stating facts.
On the other hand, women tended to value having part-time careers, having flexibility in their work hours, and building strong friendships. They placed importance on community service, socializing, and having time for leisure activities. These findings aligned with traditional views on gender roles, even though all participants had high IQs, around 140 or more, and were part of the Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY).
The SMPY began in 1971 and aimed to identify students with strong math skills, focusing on those who scored in the top 0.5 percent. The girls in Cohort 2 of the study came from upper-middle-class families where they were encouraged to use their math abilities. Their parents played a big part in supporting their talents, and studies indicated that they were treated based on talent rather than gender.
Even though societal expectations were in place during their upbringing, the SMPY women recognized their skills and were encouraged to explore careers in male-dominated fields, especially in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics). However, by the time they reached their late 40s, they showed typical gender-related career preferences, leaning towards social sciences and humanities instead of strictly STEM areas.
Women who excelled in STEM mostly preferred life sciences, which are more people-focused, while men more often chose physical sciences that deal with things, such as physics and math. This pattern showed that even very gifted people usually choose careers that match their interests and strengths.
The study also found that the SMPY women had family lives similar to other college-educated women. A lot of them were married and had children, and they were less interested in working long hours compared to men. Even without young children at home, many women did not want to work more than 40 hours a week. Instead, they valued social and community involvement more.
Despite these differences in work values, both men and women in the SMPY rated their life satisfaction similarly. This shows that, while they might prioritize their lives differently, both groups can still find fulfillment and happiness in their careers and personal lives.
The results challenge the idea that socialization is the only reason for differences in STEM choices. The SMPY women were likely less influenced by traditional gender roles because they were highly able and had supportive environments, yet they still showed preferences that reflected broader societal trends.
Finally, the breadth-based model of career choices is significant because it suggests that the decision to pursue STEM careers is influenced not just by high math ability but also by personal interests. Men and women often have different interests, which leads to different career paths. Gifted individuals generally follow careers aligned with their strengths, shaped by their early experiences and societal influences, rather than solely by their academic abilities.
Since 1960, women have experienced major advancements in education and jobs. Important changes include the availability of reliable contraception, which gave women control over having children, and equal opportunities laws that allowed women to pursue any career. More white-collar jobs became available, making it easier for women to balance work and taking care of children. The number of women working increased from 41 percent in 1960 to 75 percent in 2018. Women's presence in high-status jobs, such as lawyers and doctors, also grew significantly. More women got elected to political positions, and more women graduated from college and earned professional degrees than men. These opportunities allowed women to show their talents and abilities that had always existed.
Men and women have different interests when it comes to careers, and these differences show up in a concept called the People-Things dimension. Men usually prefer jobs that involve working with things, like machines and tools. Women, on the other hand, are more interested in jobs that involve working with people, such as teaching and helping others. This idea is explained through six categories of vocational orientations known as RIASEC: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional.
Research shows that men score higher in the Realistic category, which is related to hands-on work, while women score higher in the Social category, which is about helping and interacting with others. A study found a significant difference on the People-Things dimension, indicating that women are more likely to choose jobs focused on people.
When looking at actual jobs, there is a clear pattern: women mostly work in People-oriented roles, while men tend to work in Things-oriented jobs. This trend is also true in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) fields, where men are more often found in technical positions, while women prefer jobs that require social skills.
Overall, both tests of interests and job statistics show strong differences between men and women in what they enjoy and what types of jobs they choose. This highlights a consistent trend across different studies.
Since the 1970s, there have been significant changes in vocational interests and choices, especially for women. Initially, women were largely confined to certain fields, particularly education. However, opportunities expanded during the 1970s, and women began pursuing a broader range of majors. By the early 1980s, the percentage of women earning degrees in education dropped from 38 percent to 19 percent, while those in business rose from 3 percent to 20 percent.
In STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields, women's participation in Things-oriented careers (like engineering and computer science) increased but only slightly, peaking at 10 percent in the mid-1980s before declining again. In contrast, women in People-oriented STEM fields (like biology and health) saw significant growth, with their degrees reaching 27 percent by 2017.
For college-educated women, the distribution of jobs by the mid-1990s showed minimal change after an initial increase in the percentage of women in Things jobs, which stabilized around 30 percent. For women with only a high school education, progress was marginal; the proportion in People jobs rose from 30 percent in 1971 to 39 percent in 2018, while the percentage in Things jobs fluctuated but remained largely unchanged.
In conclusion, the feminist movement led to real changes for college-educated women but reached a new equilibrium by the late 1980s. Yet, for those without a college education, the changes were limited, suggesting the movement’s effects were not felt equally across all groups.
The data from the 2015 PISA tests indicated small differences in math favoring boys and moderate differences in reading favoring girls. Researchers Gijsbert Stoet and David Geary examined these results further by creating a method to measure students’ strengths in science, math, and reading compared to their overall abilities. They called these relative-strength scores, allowing for better comparisons of boys and girls' strengths across schools and countries.
Findings showed that even when mean scores were similar, relative strengths revealed significant differences between genders. In science and math, boys tended to have stronger relative scores, while girls showed stronger relative strengths in reading. The results were consistent globally, where boys excelled in math and science across almost all countries, and girls performed better in reading. Interestingly, countries with more gender equality showed larger relative strengths for boys in science and for girls in reading.
One critical observation is that as countries became more gender-equal, fewer capable women pursued careers in STEM. This may be due to economic security in advanced countries allowing women to follow personal interests rather than solely securing well-paid jobs in STEM fields, which might be more appealing in less affluent countries.
Women generally prefer jobs that focus on people, while men are more interested in jobs related to things. This trend is evident across different education levels and has remained stable for decades, even after significant social changes. Simply attributing these differences to societal roles and conditioning is not convincing; a mixed model that includes both culture and innate preferences is more accurate. While opportunities for women have expanded in fields like STEM, the reasons for lasting changes in career choices are more complex than just ongoing patriarchy.