9 Industriousness
What Whites Said About Work
Between 1973 and 1994, surveys revealed that most prime-age whites preferred jobs that provided a sense of accomplishment, with an average of 58 percent choosing this option. By 2006, this preference had dropped to 43 percent, while interest in short working hours and job security had increased significantly. Despite a healthy economy during this period, these changes indicated a shift from valuing meaningful work to prioritizing secure jobs with less demanding hours. This trend was seen across different age groups and suggests a changing attitude towards work among white Americans.
What Whites Did About Work: Men
In the past, men who didn't work were often judged harshly, seen as failures, even if they were jobless due to circumstances beyond their control, like during the Great Depression. This societal stigma surrounding idleness has started to change over time. An increasing number of individuals have claimed they are unable to work due to physical or emotional disabilities. The percentage of the labor force qualifying for federal disability benefits has risen significantly from 0.7 percent in 1960 to 5.3 percent in 2010. This increase is not primarily due to changes in the legal definition of disability or overall health conditions, as medical advancements have improved the ability to work. Instead, it suggests that more people are seeking benefits without being truly unable to work, indicating a shift in societal attitudes towards the work ethic.
Looking at participation in the labor force, the number of white males available to work has decreased over the years. Comparing data from the early 1960s to the mid-2000s shows a decline in labor force participation among white males across all age groups. The drop was especially notable among men in their late fifties, possibly due to increased pensions or savings allowing for earlier retirement. However, among prime-age men aged 30-49, despite a low unemployment rate, the number of men not actively working has tripled compared to the 1960s.
Observing different educational levels, those with lower education, particularly high school or less, have dropped out of the labor force significantly more than their college-educated counterparts. In the 1960s, labor force participation was almost universal in this age group, but by 2008, 12 percent of men with a maximum of high school education were out of the labor force. This reflects a broader trend where educational attainment highly influences employment prospects. Cognitive abilities impact job productivity more than marital status affects employability.
When considering unemployment, trends must be evaluated in the context of economic conditions. For white males aged 30-49, employment success has changed over the decades. During the 1960s and 1970s, men from lower socioeconomic areas did slightly better than average in finding work. This changed in the 1980s, and more recently, these men have tragically struggled compared to their peers. The difficulties in finding work among lower-educated men correlate with increasing unemployment rates over time.
Working hours have also reflected the changes in the labor market. Although many prime-age males still worked around forty-five hours per week, a growing number worked fewer than forty hours a week. Conversely, those working long hours remained stable over the decades. The patterns suggest that while some remain industrious, others in the same demographic have decreased their working hours and commitment to jobs without being primarily due to economic factors.
Some people argue that the labor market itself harmed low-skill workers, leading to fewer hours worked, more unemployment, and increased withdrawal from the labor market. Although the earnings of low-skill jobs have stagnated over years, profitable low-skill job opportunities still existed even when expected participation rates were lower.
Data from the last several decades show that even during times of low unemployment, men in lower socioeconomic classes continued to drop out of the labor force more frequently. Analyzing lifestyle changes, studies indicate that lower-educated men have increased their leisure time markedly while employed men demonstrated an increase in productivity. This change in behavior aligns with a decline in interest in work and responsibility among these men, highlighting a culture shift resulting in decreased industriousness.
The role of marriage also influences labor force participation, as married men tend to have higher employment rates than unmarried men. Studies confirm a consistent pattern over time showing that single men are much more likely to drop out of the labor force and experience unemployment compared to married men. The concept of a "marriage premium" suggests that men become more productive after marriage, although some evidence indicates that the change in labor participation is also influenced by men’s marital prospects, signaling a decline in potential providers among unmarried men.
Overall, the decline in industriousness and labor force participation among white males, particularly in low socio-economic areas, reflects larger societal changes. Unmarried men tend to display less engagement in the workforce, and the cultural values surrounding work have shifted, indicating a complex interaction between economic, social, and personal factors leading to these observations.
What Whites Did About Work: Women
From the early 1970s to the early 1990s, there was a significant increase in the number of white women participating in the labor force, climbing from 40 percent in 1960 to 74 percent by 1995. This trend continued with little change, peaking at 75 percent in 2000 and standing at 70 percent by 2008. The increase in labor force participation was similar for married women from both Belmont and Fishtown neighborhoods, with their rates roughly doubling from 1960 to 2008.
However, the patterns differed for unmarried women. College-educated unmarried women were largely already in the workforce in 1960, while unmarried women with only a high school education saw a decline in participation rates after peaking in 1986. The participation of lower-educated unmarried women never exceeded 83 percent, with Fishtown seeing a drop to 74 percent in 2008.
Women, regardless of marital status, generally worked fewer hours than men due to childcare responsibilities. By 2008, more women in Fishtown worked forty-hour weeks compared to those in Belmont, showing a shift over time. In 1960, most families had at least one adult working a full-time job, but this changed drastically by 2008. The rate of Fishtown households with someone working forty hours a week fell from 81 percent to 60 percent, while Belmont barely changed, reflecting a growing divide in work participation and job stability between these communities.
What Whites Said About Work
Between 1973 and 1994, surveys revealed that most prime-age whites preferred jobs that provided a sense of accomplishment, with an average of 58 percent choosing this option. By 2006, this preference had dropped to 43 percent, while interest in short working hours and job security had increased significantly. Despite a healthy economy during this period, these changes indicated a shift from valuing meaningful work to prioritizing secure jobs with less demanding hours. This trend was seen across different age groups and suggests a changing attitude towards work among white Americans.
What Whites Did About Work: Men
In the past, men who didn't work were often judged harshly, seen as failures, even if they were jobless due to circumstances beyond their control, like during the Great Depression. This societal stigma surrounding idleness has started to change over time. An increasing number of individuals have claimed they are unable to work due to physical or emotional disabilities. The percentage of the labor force qualifying for federal disability benefits has risen significantly from 0.7 percent in 1960 to 5.3 percent in 2010. This increase is not primarily due to changes in the legal definition of disability or overall health conditions, as medical advancements have improved the ability to work. Instead, it suggests that more people are seeking benefits without being truly unable to work, indicating a shift in societal attitudes towards the work ethic.
Looking at participation in the labor force, the number of white males available to work has decreased over the years. Comparing data from the early 1960s to the mid-2000s shows a decline in labor force participation among white males across all age groups. The drop was especially notable among men in their late fifties, possibly due to increased pensions or savings allowing for earlier retirement. However, among prime-age men aged 30-49, despite a low unemployment rate, the number of men not actively working has tripled compared to the 1960s.
Observing different educational levels, those with lower education, particularly high school or less, have dropped out of the labor force significantly more than their college-educated counterparts. In the 1960s, labor force participation was almost universal in this age group, but by 2008, 12 percent of men with a maximum of high school education were out of the labor force. This reflects a broader trend where educational attainment highly influences employment prospects. Cognitive abilities impact job productivity more than marital status affects employability.
When considering unemployment, trends must be evaluated in the context of economic conditions. For white males aged 30-49, employment success has changed over the decades. During the 1960s and 1970s, men from lower socioeconomic areas did slightly better than average in finding work. This changed in the 1980s, and more recently, these men have tragically struggled compared to their peers. The difficulties in finding work among lower-educated men correlate with increasing unemployment rates over time.
Working hours have also reflected the changes in the labor market. Although many prime-age males still worked around forty-five hours per week, a growing number worked fewer than forty hours a week. Conversely, those working long hours remained stable over the decades. The patterns suggest that while some remain industrious, others in the same demographic have decreased their working hours and commitment to jobs without being primarily due to economic factors.
Some people argue that the labor market itself harmed low-skill workers, leading to fewer hours worked, more unemployment, and increased withdrawal from the labor market. Although the earnings of low-skill jobs have stagnated over years, profitable low-skill job opportunities still existed even when expected participation rates were lower.
Data from the last several decades show that even during times of low unemployment, men in lower socioeconomic classes continued to drop out of the labor force more frequently. Analyzing lifestyle changes, studies indicate that lower-educated men have increased their leisure time markedly while employed men demonstrated an increase in productivity. This change in behavior aligns with a decline in interest in work and responsibility among these men, highlighting a culture shift resulting in decreased industriousness.
The role of marriage also influences labor force participation, as married men tend to have higher employment rates than unmarried men. Studies confirm a consistent pattern over time showing that single men are much more likely to drop out of the labor force and experience unemployment compared to married men. The concept of a "marriage premium" suggests that men become more productive after marriage, although some evidence indicates that the change in labor participation is also influenced by men’s marital prospects, signaling a decline in potential providers among unmarried men.
Overall, the decline in industriousness and labor force participation among white males, particularly in low socio-economic areas, reflects larger societal changes. Unmarried men tend to display less engagement in the workforce, and the cultural values surrounding work have shifted, indicating a complex interaction between economic, social, and personal factors leading to these observations.
What Whites Did About Work: Women
From the early 1970s to the early 1990s, there was a significant increase in the number of white women participating in the labor force, climbing from 40 percent in 1960 to 74 percent by 1995. This trend continued with little change, peaking at 75 percent in 2000 and standing at 70 percent by 2008. The increase in labor force participation was similar for married women from both Belmont and Fishtown neighborhoods, with their rates roughly doubling from 1960 to 2008.
However, the patterns differed for unmarried women. College-educated unmarried women were largely already in the workforce in 1960, while unmarried women with only a high school education saw a decline in participation rates after peaking in 1986. The participation of lower-educated unmarried women never exceeded 83 percent, with Fishtown seeing a drop to 74 percent in 2008.
Women, regardless of marital status, generally worked fewer hours than men due to childcare responsibilities. By 2008, more women in Fishtown worked forty-hour weeks compared to those in Belmont, showing a shift over time. In 1960, most families had at least one adult working a full-time job, but this changed drastically by 2008. The rate of Fishtown households with someone working forty hours a week fell from 81 percent to 60 percent, while Belmont barely changed, reflecting a growing divide in work participation and job stability between these communities.