1 Our Kind of People
A new culture among an important group in American society is shown in the TV show thirtysomething, which started in 1987. The series features educated and stylish characters living in Philadelphia who talk about modern issues like relationships and parenting. The main characters, Hope and Michael Steadman, struggle to balance their careers and family lives. Their lifestyle includes expensive products and discussions about complicated topics. This culture also shows a dislike for traditional values, focusing more on personal expression and emotional concerns. While other shows have touched on similar ideas, none have explored this new upper class culture as deeply, because they mainly appeal to a different audience that might not connect with the values shown in thirtysomething.
The Baseline
For a subculture to develop within a larger culture, two important conditions must be met. First, a significant number of people must share a unique set of tastes and preferences. Second, these people must be able to come together and form a sizable group that can influence their community. In 1963, various subcultures existed in America, especially in major cities with distinctive urban characteristics. However, during that time, there wasn't yet a large, cohesive group of individuals who could be identified as the educated or creative class, often referred to as the cognitive elite.
At that point in history, the number of adults with college degrees was very low. In fact, only about 8 percent of the adult population had completed a college education. Within professional circles, which included managers and other white-collar workers, only about 32 percent held college degrees. This means that even in neighborhoods filled with professionals, those with higher education were still a minority. There were only a few places in the country, mainly near college campuses, where more than 50 percent of the adult population had college degrees.
Wealth and affluence in 1963 did not imply a vastly different lifestyle compared to that of the average American. Despite having a somewhat higher standard of living, individuals in well-paying jobs did not possess dramatically different lifestyles. For example, the median family income for people in managerial positions and professions was around $62,000 when adjusted for 2010 dollars. Less than 8 percent of American families had incomes of $100,000 or above, and even fewer, less than 1 percent, reached incomes of $200,000 or more. This indicates that the income distribution was quite compressed during that time.
The residential landscape mirrored this compressed income distribution. In 1963, most Americans were not familiar with mansions in their own neighborhoods, instead seeing them primarily in movies. Only the wealthiest suburbs of cities like New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles featured entire neighborhoods filled with large, luxurious homes. Taking a closer look at some affluent areas from that time, such as Chevy Chase, Maryland, or Shaker Heights, Ohio, reveals that the homes built in the 1960s look very different from the enormous houses constructed in more recent years. The large, extravagant homes of today include features such as tennis courts, grand cathedral ceilings, and sizes of 15,000 to 20,000 square feet. In contrast, the average new home price in 1963 was $129,000. Shortly before November 21, 1963, homes advertised in Chevy Chase had prices ranging from $272,000 to $567,000, illustrating that even in the most exclusive neighborhoods, families lived for about double the average home price at that time.
The differences between upper-middle-class homes and those of the middle class were often reflected in the number of rooms and amenities. An upper-middle-class house might typically have four bedrooms instead of two or three, two or more bathrooms, and many features that made them larger and more accommodating than middle-class homes. However, they often bore little resemblance to the grand mansions found in wealthier communities. For example, many creative directors and other professionals lived in homes that were considerable but not extravagant by today's standards, resembling the suburban home of the Draper family from the show "Mad Men."
Vehicles also played a role in distinguishing lifestyle among the upper-middle class. In 1963, while you could find some luxury cars like Mercedes or Jaguars in cities, most professionals opted for more modest vehicles because flashy cars could be seen as ostentatious. Many in the upper-middle class didn't want to appear to be show-offs, leading them to avoid more extravagant car choices, such as Cadillacs, despite being financially able to own them.
The lifestyle of the upper-middle class was not significantly different from that of the typical middle class because it was easier for those who weren’t wealthy to access high-quality goods and services for less money in 1963 compared to later years. For example, day-to-day living expenses may not have shown significant differences in cost. In 1963, prices for some grocery items such as gas, eggs, or milk may have seemed similar to what someone would expect decades later. Even premium items were not entirely out of reach—many upper-middle-class households could indulge in fine dining occasionally or buy luxury items, albeit not as often as they might in the modern era.
Overall, there wasn’t a dramatic difference between the lifestyle of well-off professionals and those further down the social ladder. While upper-middle-class individuals might enjoy slightly better drinks or dress differently, the daily life of a successful executive versus a lower middle-class worker didn’t show a major rift, aside from exclusive access to country clubs and private facilities.
While the concept of wealth differed dramatically by 2010, here’s what life looked like in 1963 in terms of luxury versus everyday experiences. Private aviation, for instance, had yet to become widely accessible. The first private jet, the Learjet Model 23, was not delivered until a year later, meaning that in 1963, most personal aircraft were smaller and less luxurious. The owners of high-end private planes had to recognize that commercial flying was generally a smoother experience than flying in their smaller aircraft.
Moving into the discussion of wealth, it was important to note what a millionaire represented in 1963. The term "millionaire" was synonymous with being wealthy, and a million dollars meant significantly more than it does today since it is equivalent to about $7.2 million now. However, millionaires were incredibly rare, with fewer than 80,000 American families fitting that description, which accounted for only two-tenths of a percent of the population.
Some of the wealthy individuals who had recently acquired their wealth had no distinct cultural preferences due to their humble beginnings. They might not have attended college or only went to a local state school and often lived in less glamorous homes. Even though they had money, they didn’t generally fit into an upper-class culture.
On the other hand, old-money millionaires had an identifiable culture. They typically lived in a few major cities like Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, spending time in exclusive summer or winter areas. Their children attended prestigious prep schools and went on to elite colleges like Ivy League institutions. Within these social circles, old-money families formed a distinct social group, but their small numbers meant they did not have much influence on American culture overall.
The focus of wealth in 1963 was on money and what it could buy rather than on cultural significance. For instance, Marjorie Merriweather Post, heiress to the General Foods fortune, exemplified the life of the incredibly wealthy. She owned multiple extravagant homes, a large yacht, and her own private airplane, but her life experiences, from dining arrangements to leisure activities, bore similarities to those of average citizens.
Those from the elite intellectual community also present a different aspect of societal structure during this period. In 1963, institutions like Harvard and MIT were recognized as cultural capitals. Being home to many brilliant minds, these universities provided a distinct sense of academia and intellectual inquiry. While life on campus had its unique characteristics, the everyday lives of faculty and students outside of school did not vary much from the culture around them, indicating a lack of sufficient critical mass to reshape wider society in their image.
As society evolved, by the late 1980s and into the 1990s, a new cultural identity began to take shape, ultimately becoming fully developed by then. For example, towns like Wayne, Pennsylvania, began to reflect these cultural changes. Previously mundane, the community transformed into a vibrant area filled with upscale coffee shops, independent bookstores, and artisanal shops focused on personal expression and well-being.
The new upper class emerged with lifestyle choices that set them apart from mainstream America. Observations of daily life among upper-middle-class families reveal striking differences in parenting, education, and social interaction. For instance, attending a parents’ night at an elite private school versus a typical public school showcases differences in parental age, types of vehicles driven, and physical fitness levels. Parents in elite schools tended to be older, often engaging more with wellness and health than average American families.
Examining the health and fitness choices made by this upper class shows much lower rates of obesity and greater emphasis on exercise compared to the general population. Many members of this group regularly engage in physical activities like yoga, running, or gym workouts.
While these lifestyle differences are primarily qualitative, certain data and trends illustrate preferences based on income levels. For instance, consumer behavior within these socioeconomic groups supports a range of differing preferences, including dietary choices and purchasing habits. Members of the new upper class gravitate toward healthful and quality food sources, including gourmet offerings, while being less likely to frequent fast food establishments.
As for their cultural engagement, the new upper class seeks a higher level of knowledge about current events than average Americans. Individuals often read major newspapers and explore diverse literature. Many of these families subscribe to respected magazines or watch specific news broadcasts, demonstrating a greater awareness of national and international issues. In contrast, many Americans are less engaged with current affairs.
In terms of leisure activities, members of the new upper class prefer to participate in experiences that contrast with mainstream America. They tend to travel abroad or engage in outdoor adventures that are less common for typical families, such as backpacking trips or small luxury cruises. These preferences reflect a stark difference in lifestyle, with international travel being commonplace for the new upper class, while many average Americans may not have the same opportunities.
Regarding parenting practices, the upper class emphasizes intense planning and involvement right from conception. Many upper-middle-class mothers study everything regarding prenatal care and child development, focusing on providing their children with the best educational opportunities and experiences. While this can yield positive results, it sometimes leads to high levels of pressure and expectations placed on children, influencing their development and attitude toward success.
In contrast, parenting practices in lower socioeconomic classes differ. Though love and care exist across all groups, the casual attitudes some families have toward child-rearing differ significantly from the high-strung involvement found among the upper class. Children from upper-middle-class families often enjoy a wide range of organized activities and educational supplements that may be less accessible to others.
When looking at work environments, members of the new upper class often experience changes in job arrangements that differ from those in the traditional workforce. Flexibility in work hours and locations has shifted, with many professionals having the option to work from home or choose their own schedules. While this trend is marked by increased levels of creativity and mobility for some, the majority of workers are still bound to schedules and physical workplaces, where tasks remain similar to those decades ago.
While many factors could contribute to one's income or career satisfaction, the opportunities available to the upper class reinforce a clear separation between them and the remainder of the workforce. People in managerial professions often work in visually appealing office spaces designed for innovation. In stark contrast, those in more traditional or blue-collar jobs work within established systems that haven’t drastically changed over the years.
On the political front, it's generally accepted that the new upper class leans toward liberal viewpoints, although this is not a universal truth. The underlying behaviors and lifestyles of individuals across the political spectrum show that members of the new upper class adopt similar social norms and practices that reinforce the separation from mainstream America, irrespective of their specific political ideologies.
In summary, the development of a new upper class and the distinct culture surrounding it illustrates the significant social divisions that arise due to income and education levels. The differences in lifestyle, parenting styles, workplace dynamics, and leisure activities build cultural barriers that continue to shape the American social landscape today. The upper class's unique characteristics lead to a social divide that creates a clear distinction from the lifestyle of the average American.
A new culture among an important group in American society is shown in the TV show thirtysomething, which started in 1987. The series features educated and stylish characters living in Philadelphia who talk about modern issues like relationships and parenting. The main characters, Hope and Michael Steadman, struggle to balance their careers and family lives. Their lifestyle includes expensive products and discussions about complicated topics. This culture also shows a dislike for traditional values, focusing more on personal expression and emotional concerns. While other shows have touched on similar ideas, none have explored this new upper class culture as deeply, because they mainly appeal to a different audience that might not connect with the values shown in thirtysomething.
The Baseline
For a subculture to develop within a larger culture, two important conditions must be met. First, a significant number of people must share a unique set of tastes and preferences. Second, these people must be able to come together and form a sizable group that can influence their community. In 1963, various subcultures existed in America, especially in major cities with distinctive urban characteristics. However, during that time, there wasn't yet a large, cohesive group of individuals who could be identified as the educated or creative class, often referred to as the cognitive elite.
At that point in history, the number of adults with college degrees was very low. In fact, only about 8 percent of the adult population had completed a college education. Within professional circles, which included managers and other white-collar workers, only about 32 percent held college degrees. This means that even in neighborhoods filled with professionals, those with higher education were still a minority. There were only a few places in the country, mainly near college campuses, where more than 50 percent of the adult population had college degrees.
Wealth and affluence in 1963 did not imply a vastly different lifestyle compared to that of the average American. Despite having a somewhat higher standard of living, individuals in well-paying jobs did not possess dramatically different lifestyles. For example, the median family income for people in managerial positions and professions was around $62,000 when adjusted for 2010 dollars. Less than 8 percent of American families had incomes of $100,000 or above, and even fewer, less than 1 percent, reached incomes of $200,000 or more. This indicates that the income distribution was quite compressed during that time.
The residential landscape mirrored this compressed income distribution. In 1963, most Americans were not familiar with mansions in their own neighborhoods, instead seeing them primarily in movies. Only the wealthiest suburbs of cities like New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles featured entire neighborhoods filled with large, luxurious homes. Taking a closer look at some affluent areas from that time, such as Chevy Chase, Maryland, or Shaker Heights, Ohio, reveals that the homes built in the 1960s look very different from the enormous houses constructed in more recent years. The large, extravagant homes of today include features such as tennis courts, grand cathedral ceilings, and sizes of 15,000 to 20,000 square feet. In contrast, the average new home price in 1963 was $129,000. Shortly before November 21, 1963, homes advertised in Chevy Chase had prices ranging from $272,000 to $567,000, illustrating that even in the most exclusive neighborhoods, families lived for about double the average home price at that time.
The differences between upper-middle-class homes and those of the middle class were often reflected in the number of rooms and amenities. An upper-middle-class house might typically have four bedrooms instead of two or three, two or more bathrooms, and many features that made them larger and more accommodating than middle-class homes. However, they often bore little resemblance to the grand mansions found in wealthier communities. For example, many creative directors and other professionals lived in homes that were considerable but not extravagant by today's standards, resembling the suburban home of the Draper family from the show "Mad Men."
Vehicles also played a role in distinguishing lifestyle among the upper-middle class. In 1963, while you could find some luxury cars like Mercedes or Jaguars in cities, most professionals opted for more modest vehicles because flashy cars could be seen as ostentatious. Many in the upper-middle class didn't want to appear to be show-offs, leading them to avoid more extravagant car choices, such as Cadillacs, despite being financially able to own them.
The lifestyle of the upper-middle class was not significantly different from that of the typical middle class because it was easier for those who weren’t wealthy to access high-quality goods and services for less money in 1963 compared to later years. For example, day-to-day living expenses may not have shown significant differences in cost. In 1963, prices for some grocery items such as gas, eggs, or milk may have seemed similar to what someone would expect decades later. Even premium items were not entirely out of reach—many upper-middle-class households could indulge in fine dining occasionally or buy luxury items, albeit not as often as they might in the modern era.
Overall, there wasn’t a dramatic difference between the lifestyle of well-off professionals and those further down the social ladder. While upper-middle-class individuals might enjoy slightly better drinks or dress differently, the daily life of a successful executive versus a lower middle-class worker didn’t show a major rift, aside from exclusive access to country clubs and private facilities.
While the concept of wealth differed dramatically by 2010, here’s what life looked like in 1963 in terms of luxury versus everyday experiences. Private aviation, for instance, had yet to become widely accessible. The first private jet, the Learjet Model 23, was not delivered until a year later, meaning that in 1963, most personal aircraft were smaller and less luxurious. The owners of high-end private planes had to recognize that commercial flying was generally a smoother experience than flying in their smaller aircraft.
Moving into the discussion of wealth, it was important to note what a millionaire represented in 1963. The term "millionaire" was synonymous with being wealthy, and a million dollars meant significantly more than it does today since it is equivalent to about $7.2 million now. However, millionaires were incredibly rare, with fewer than 80,000 American families fitting that description, which accounted for only two-tenths of a percent of the population.
Some of the wealthy individuals who had recently acquired their wealth had no distinct cultural preferences due to their humble beginnings. They might not have attended college or only went to a local state school and often lived in less glamorous homes. Even though they had money, they didn’t generally fit into an upper-class culture.
On the other hand, old-money millionaires had an identifiable culture. They typically lived in a few major cities like Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, spending time in exclusive summer or winter areas. Their children attended prestigious prep schools and went on to elite colleges like Ivy League institutions. Within these social circles, old-money families formed a distinct social group, but their small numbers meant they did not have much influence on American culture overall.
The focus of wealth in 1963 was on money and what it could buy rather than on cultural significance. For instance, Marjorie Merriweather Post, heiress to the General Foods fortune, exemplified the life of the incredibly wealthy. She owned multiple extravagant homes, a large yacht, and her own private airplane, but her life experiences, from dining arrangements to leisure activities, bore similarities to those of average citizens.
Those from the elite intellectual community also present a different aspect of societal structure during this period. In 1963, institutions like Harvard and MIT were recognized as cultural capitals. Being home to many brilliant minds, these universities provided a distinct sense of academia and intellectual inquiry. While life on campus had its unique characteristics, the everyday lives of faculty and students outside of school did not vary much from the culture around them, indicating a lack of sufficient critical mass to reshape wider society in their image.
As society evolved, by the late 1980s and into the 1990s, a new cultural identity began to take shape, ultimately becoming fully developed by then. For example, towns like Wayne, Pennsylvania, began to reflect these cultural changes. Previously mundane, the community transformed into a vibrant area filled with upscale coffee shops, independent bookstores, and artisanal shops focused on personal expression and well-being.
The new upper class emerged with lifestyle choices that set them apart from mainstream America. Observations of daily life among upper-middle-class families reveal striking differences in parenting, education, and social interaction. For instance, attending a parents’ night at an elite private school versus a typical public school showcases differences in parental age, types of vehicles driven, and physical fitness levels. Parents in elite schools tended to be older, often engaging more with wellness and health than average American families.
Examining the health and fitness choices made by this upper class shows much lower rates of obesity and greater emphasis on exercise compared to the general population. Many members of this group regularly engage in physical activities like yoga, running, or gym workouts.
While these lifestyle differences are primarily qualitative, certain data and trends illustrate preferences based on income levels. For instance, consumer behavior within these socioeconomic groups supports a range of differing preferences, including dietary choices and purchasing habits. Members of the new upper class gravitate toward healthful and quality food sources, including gourmet offerings, while being less likely to frequent fast food establishments.
As for their cultural engagement, the new upper class seeks a higher level of knowledge about current events than average Americans. Individuals often read major newspapers and explore diverse literature. Many of these families subscribe to respected magazines or watch specific news broadcasts, demonstrating a greater awareness of national and international issues. In contrast, many Americans are less engaged with current affairs.
In terms of leisure activities, members of the new upper class prefer to participate in experiences that contrast with mainstream America. They tend to travel abroad or engage in outdoor adventures that are less common for typical families, such as backpacking trips or small luxury cruises. These preferences reflect a stark difference in lifestyle, with international travel being commonplace for the new upper class, while many average Americans may not have the same opportunities.
Regarding parenting practices, the upper class emphasizes intense planning and involvement right from conception. Many upper-middle-class mothers study everything regarding prenatal care and child development, focusing on providing their children with the best educational opportunities and experiences. While this can yield positive results, it sometimes leads to high levels of pressure and expectations placed on children, influencing their development and attitude toward success.
In contrast, parenting practices in lower socioeconomic classes differ. Though love and care exist across all groups, the casual attitudes some families have toward child-rearing differ significantly from the high-strung involvement found among the upper class. Children from upper-middle-class families often enjoy a wide range of organized activities and educational supplements that may be less accessible to others.
When looking at work environments, members of the new upper class often experience changes in job arrangements that differ from those in the traditional workforce. Flexibility in work hours and locations has shifted, with many professionals having the option to work from home or choose their own schedules. While this trend is marked by increased levels of creativity and mobility for some, the majority of workers are still bound to schedules and physical workplaces, where tasks remain similar to those decades ago.
While many factors could contribute to one's income or career satisfaction, the opportunities available to the upper class reinforce a clear separation between them and the remainder of the workforce. People in managerial professions often work in visually appealing office spaces designed for innovation. In stark contrast, those in more traditional or blue-collar jobs work within established systems that haven’t drastically changed over the years.
On the political front, it's generally accepted that the new upper class leans toward liberal viewpoints, although this is not a universal truth. The underlying behaviors and lifestyles of individuals across the political spectrum show that members of the new upper class adopt similar social norms and practices that reinforce the separation from mainstream America, irrespective of their specific political ideologies.
In summary, the development of a new upper class and the distinct culture surrounding it illustrates the significant social divisions that arise due to income and education levels. The differences in lifestyle, parenting styles, workplace dynamics, and leisure activities build cultural barriers that continue to shape the American social landscape today. The upper class's unique characteristics lead to a social divide that creates a clear distinction from the lifestyle of the average American.